Last week we articulated in these columns, the logic
of peace in terms of the material welfare and security of the citizens
of both India and Pakistan. While the interests of the people should be
expected to induce political leaders to move in the direction of peace,
yet history shows that whenever they have done so, they have been constrained
at some point in the peace process by the perceived imperatives of State
power. Therefore it may be pertinent in this article to point out the
sense in which the logic of peace also holds in the context of State power.
The military-bureaucratic establishment even in India,
which is supposed to be a full-fledged democracy, let alone in Pakistan
which is a fledgling democracy, can be expected to think in terms of purely
State interests rather than the interests of the people. Indeed military
and bureaucratic establishments everywhere tend to view the proximate
imperatives of State power as being synonymous with the ultimate interests
of the people. An antagonistic relationship with another State is therefore
part of the paradigm of State power. This is particularly so in states
such as India and Pakistan where the military-bureaucratic establishment
not only influences foreign policy, but draws its institutional identity
to some extent through an adversarial relationship with the neighbour.
Consequently in the India-Pakistan context, the peace process can only
be sustained when the military-bureaucratic establishments in both countries
come to accept the proposition that peace is an imperative for the preservation
and development of State power itself. Let us explain our proposition.
Consider, India. There are four reasons why its enhanced
influence and power as a State requires peace with Pakistan: (1) If it
is to sustain its trajectory of high economic growth and emerge as a global
economic power in the next two decades, it needs to invest in peace with
Pakistan. This is because India needs cooperation with Pakistan to meet
its energy needs, and an environment of regional peace to increase domestic
and foreign investment, all of which are important determinants of rapid
economic growth. (2) India has successfully established a heavy industrial
base for a domestic technological change capability. To translate this
technological capability into the development and continuous up-gradation
of its strategic military weapons against China and other major powers,
huge financial resource are required which are currently being dissipated
by the expensive low intensity conflict in Kashmir. (3) Peace with Pakistan
is essential if India is to quell the internal tendencies of Hindu religious
fascism that feed on the India Pakistan conflict and threaten the institutional
integrity of its State apparatus as much as Indian democracy. The former
is a danger in view of the significant Muslim minority presence in the
Indian armed forces. The latter possibility was illustrated when Mr. Modi
(the architect of the internationally condemned Gujerat pogrom earlier,
against Indian Muslims) during his recent, successful election campaign
in Gujerat, sought to win votes from the Hindu extremists by claiming
that he was pitted against President Musharraf ! (4) India needs to resolve
the Kashmir dispute within a comprehensive peace agreement with Pakistan
in order to avoid charges of massive human rights violations by its military
forces in Kashmir. There is little doubt that military coercion against
civil society in Kashmir weakens Indian democracy and undermines its quest
for a permanent seat in the Security Council.
Consider, Pakistan. Here again there are four reasons
why peace with India is now necessary to preserve and enhance State power:
(1) Growing poverty and tendencies of religious extremism constitute grave
threats to national integrity. The former is a long term and the latter
is an immediate threat to the State, and yet the two feed off each other.
Tendencies of religious extremism threaten Pakistan by weakening the writ
of the State. They also undermine the investment climate and thereby constrain
Pakistan's attempt to build a modern and prosperous State as envisaged
by the Quaid-e-Azam. (2) The recently achieved financial stability and
a marginal improvement in GDP growth can by no means be expected to reduce
poverty. There is a relationship between the level of income inequality
in a country and the level of GDP growth necessary to reduce poverty.
Given the current income inequality, a GDP growth rate of about nine percent
per annum is required to make a significant impact on poverty. Reducing
poverty is necessary to achieve social cohesion and national integrity.
(3) There is a view in the bureaucracy that the recent marginal increase
in GDP growth from 4.2 percent to 4.9 percent last year and the expected
5.3 percent next year, provides sufficient financial space to increase
military expenditures and maintain the current conflict with India. This
is a flawed argument for two reasons: (a) Even if Pakistan were to achieve
5.3 percent GDP growth next year, it would not be sustainable because
given the current dependence on the crop sector to generate such a growth
rate, the increasing frequency of bad harvests makes agriculture based
growth inherently unstable. (b) Even if a five percent growth rate could
be maintained through a miraculous series of good harvests, nevertheless
at such a growth rate, current poverty levels will persist. Consequently
sooner or later the politically uncomfortable question will be posed that
existing levels of military expenditure need to be reduced to direct resources
towards poverty reduction.
A high GDP growth rate of 7 to 9 percent at Pakistan's
full economic potential is necessary for financing military expenditures
at a level that can enable the technological up-gradation necessary for
a credible conventional and nuclear deterrent. It is clear that a high
GDP growth cannot be achieved without peace with India. In Pakistan, domestic
law and order is to some extent linked with tensions on the border with
India. The sharp increase in domestic and foreign investment in Pakistan
required for a high growth economy necessitates external and internal
peace. (4) At the same time if Pakistan is to reap the benefits of being
the gateway to Central Asia and West Asia, it needs a modern infrastructure
of roads, railways and ports that are integrated with the development
of infrastructure with the rest of South Asia. Thus, Pakistan's quest
for overcoming poverty, achieving national integrity, preserving State
power and maintaining a credible military capability requires peace with
India.
We have argued in this article that India and Pakistan
have reached a moment in history when the logic of peace is drawn as much
from the imperatives of State power as the aspiration for public welfare.
Will their respective State apparatuses and their political leaders have
the understanding to grasp this historic moment?
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