One of the abiding features of Pakistan’s polity is that underlying
apparently modern governance structures (whether military dictatorship
or democracy) feudal forms prevail in both political culture and the practice
of political power. This is manifested in the fact that political power
in Pakistan has been historically constituted within the framework of
patron-client relationships: The ruling elite has accessed state resources
for arbitrary transfer as patronage to selected individuals. The purpose
was to build a basis of political support within a structure of dependency.
Tracing the origins of this phenomenon in terms of the dialectic between
individuals and history may be important in explaining some of the essential
features of Pakistan’s crisis of state and society: For example,
(a) the failure to arrive at an underlying political consensus that could
impart stability to the constitution; (b) the failure of the economic
elite to transform themselves into a dynamic entrepreneurial class that
could establish an efficient and diversified industrial base, vital for
a modern democratic state, (c) the failure to establish institutions that
could nurture tolerance, democratic restraints to political conflict and
economic advancement of individuals based on merit rather than ‘connections’.
Let us start with the principal proposition that inspite of a whole range
of economic, social and political changes in Pakistan (e.g. growth in
GDP, urbanization and emergence of political parties) there has been no
decisive break from the past in terms of economy, political culture or
consciousness that characterized the emergence of democratic states in
Europe. In this context Professor Imran Ali has posed an important question:
“Why and from which segment of historicity should it be assumed
that culture, society, psyche and deeper rooted values in Pakistan have
changed significantly enough to re-arrange the pre-existing ordering of
things?” Indeed it can be argued that the persistence of feudal
forms in the conduct of economic policy and political power, signify that
inspite of modernized terminology (economic development and democracy)
Pakistan’s society has remained essentially traditional. Inherent
to this continuity are moments in Pakistan’s history when a break
from the past could have been initiated. Yet the actions of individual
leaders prevented the promise of these moments from being actualized.
In a recent paper I have argued that feudal forms of power through patronage
have characterized Pakistan’s politics and economic policy. These
feudal forms of power have been constituted in Pakistan by means of two
instruments: (a) The arbitrary transfer of state resources to individuals
and factions to create a constituency of dependents who owe loyalty to
the government (during the colonial period), or personalized loyalty to
individual politicians and bureaucrats in the post independence period.
(b) Discretionary appointments and transfers of personnel within the state
sector.
Both in the colonial period as well as in post independence Pakistan,
such patronage has been given to particular individuals, yet it has served
to consolidate a particular kind of state power. Let us briefly examine
the form and function of state patronage in these two periods to illustrate
the dialectic between individuals and history.
In the nineteenth century, the British colonial government attempted
to build a basis of political support, by consolidating the agrarian elite
in the areas that later came to constitute Pakistan. In Sindh the British
sought the support of the traditional agrarian elite by accommodating
large landholder families (the waderas). In the Punjab by contrast,
the British formalized the proprietorship over land of the zamindars,
who had newly emerged from the upper peasant strata following wide spread
peasant revolts at the end of the Mughal period (See the pioneering work
of Imran Ali). In both cases the colonial government in its early years
created a political constituency through establishing patron-client relationships
with selected members of the rural elites. In the subsequent decades the
British created new clients amongst the rural elites through offering
lucrative appointments in the British Indian Army almost exclusively to
the agrarian hierarchy.
The most important and far-reaching form of patronage through enrichment
of clients was done by means of the development of canal irrigation and
the process of agricultural colonization that accompanied it. From 1885
onwards the colonial government enabled extensive areas that were previously
arid waste, to be brought under cultivation, through the construction
of river-spanning weirs and extensive networks of perennial canals. Large
parts of this newly arable land were transferred as land grants to loyal
supporters in the agrarian elites of Punjab and Sindh. Additionally a
number of legislative measures were taken by the colonial government to
strengthen and protect the position of the loyal rural elites against
the operation of market forces. The most important amongst these measures
were the Punjab Land Alienation Act 1900 and the Punjab Pre-Emption Act
1913, which prohibited transfer of land from land owners to “non-agricultural”
classes (See: Cheema, Khwaja and Qadir; Imran Ali; H. Alavi; M. Pasha).
During the Pakistan Movement the Muslim League had an opportunity to
bring the nascent bourgeoisie into positions of leadership. Instead in
the decade before partition, following its defeat in the 1937 elections,
the Muslim League brought members of the feudal elite into its fold.
My recent research shows how in the post independence period, the patron-client
model of governance continued, as the bureaucracy in the Ayub government
granted licenses and contracts to favoured individuals in the private
sector within a highly regulated economic regime. At the same time lucrative
appointments continued to be made in the state sector to establish a domain
of patronage for the military bureaucratic ruling elite. During the 1960s
the government systematically encouraged import substitution industrial
growth, and nurtured an industrial elite dependent on state patronage.
This was done by means of high protection rates to domestic manufacturers,
cheap credit, and direct import controls on competing imports. Further
more the bonus voucher scheme was introduced through which an exporter
not only earned the rupee revenues from exports, but also an additional
premium through sale of bonus vouchers.
The protection measures and concessions during the Ayub regime enabled
the industrial elite to make large rupee profits without the market pressures
to diversify into high value added industries or to achieve international
competitiveness. These tendencies persisted in varying degrees for the
next four decades. It has been estimated for example that even in 1990-91,
by which time the rate of effective protection had been considerably reduced,
the increase in the share of manufacturing attributable to protection
amounted to 5 percent of GNP.
The Ayub period illustrates the historically rooted tendency of the
government to seek political support amongst nascent elites through state
patronage. In the subsequent Z.A. Bhutto period this old tendency was
manifested in new forms. Inspite of his socialist rhetoric Mr. Bhutto
purged the party of its radical elements and brought the feudal elite
into dominant positions within the People’s Party. One of the most
important initiatives of the government was the nationalization in 1972
of 43 large industrial units in the capital and intermediate goods sector.
This was followed three years later by the nationalization of much smaller
industries such as cooking oil, flour milling, cotton ginning and rice
husking mills. While the first set of nationalizations impacted the “monopoly
capitalists”, the second set of nationalizations in 1976 hit the
medium and small sized entrepreneurs. Therefore nationalization in this
regime cannot be seen as state intervention for greater equity. Rather
the rapid increase in the size of the public sector served to widen the
resource base of the regime for the practice of the traditional form of
power through state patronage.
General Zia ul Haq who overthrew the Bhutto regime in a coup d’etat
aimed to acquire a political constituency amongst the conservative religious
strata of the lower middle class. This was part of his attempt to restructure
state and society into a theocracy. The institutional roots of what later
came to be known as “Islamic fundamentalism” were laid when
government funds were provided for establishing mosque schools (madrassas)
in small towns and rural areas, which led to the rapid growth of militant
religious organizations. This particular form of state patronage enabled
General Zia ul Haq to establish a political constituency both within the
institutions of the state and in the conservative urban petit bourgeoisie
for his version of military dictatorship. Zia’s political power
so constructed proved to be transient but not the associated theocratic
trends in political culture.
The decade of the 1990s once again presented an opportunity to elected
governments to enlarge the space for civilian rule by establishing the
institutional and economic basis of democracy. Instead, successive democratic
governments of both Ms. Benazir Bhutto and Mr. Nawaz Sharif, systematically
weakened institutions, and used financial resources from the nationalized
banking sector for political purposes. At the same time state resources
were used to grant contracts and licenses to enrich political allies.
According to an estimate by S.J. Burki and H. Pasha, the overall cost
to the country of corruption at the highest level of government, was 20
percent to 25 percent of the GDP in 1996-97, or approximately US $ 15
billion.
Pakistan’s history shows that the functioning of feudal forms of
constituting political power gradually weakened its institutional structure
as well as the economy. This process was integrally linked to the choices
of individuals. The personal proclivities of individuals in positions
of power within the state structure not only found increasingly free play
as the civilian institutional structure weakened, but in turn individual
leaders unrestrained by institutional accountability were able to further
undermine the state institutions themselves. Thus the dialectic between
individuals and Pakistan’s history has now produced another paradox
of power: The institutionalization of military rule within an ostensibly
democratic dispensation.
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